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Date: April 30, 2024 Tue
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Results for political violence
26 results foundAuthor: Briscoe, Ivan Title: Kosovo's New Map of Power: Governance and Crime in the Wake of Independence Summary: The nationalist euphoria that greeted Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008 has given way to acute international concern over the character of this new Balkan state. Alleged corruption, abuses of power, murky ties between politicians and business, authoritarian reactions to the media and the continuing existence of inter-ethnic tensions in the flashpoint of north Mitrovica point to serious weaknesses in the country’s capacity for responsible and accountable governance. Recent reports of senior politicians’ involvement in wartime atrocities have only served to deepen the gloom. But this portrait of the country obscures other crucial developments. This report highlights the fundamental obstacles in the way of reform as well as the signs of change in the attitudes of Kosovo’s citizenry towards malfunctioning institutions, exemplified in the elections of December 2010. It concludes by offering some recommendations for donors that would strengthen mechanisms for domestic accountability in Kosovo on the basis of a realistic assessment of the way power is handled and distributed. Details: The Hague: Netherlands Institute of International Relations (Clingendael), 2011. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2011 at: http://www.clingendael.nl/publications/2011/20110503_cru_publication_ibriscoe.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Europe URL: http://www.clingendael.nl/publications/2011/20110503_cru_publication_ibriscoe.pdf Shelf Number: 121727 Keywords: Criminal NetworksPolitical Corruption (Kosovo)Political Violence |
Author: Frampton, Martyn Title: The Return of the Militants: Violent Dissident Republicanism Summary: Since the Belfast Friday Agreement of 1998, the security situation in Northern Ireland has improved immeasurably. The Provisional IRA and the main loyalist terrorist groups have called an end to their campaigns and their weapons have been decommissioned under an internationally monitored process. In recent years, however, dissident republican groups in Northern Ireland – such as the Continuity IRA and the Real IRA, who continued to oppose the peace process – have grown stronger. Given the understandable focus on Al Qaeda-inspired terrorism in recent years, much less attention has been given to such groups. However, in the government’s National Strategic Defence and Security Review, published in October 2010, ‘residual terrorism linked to Northern Ireland’ was identified as a Tier One risk to national security: ‘There is a calculated campaign of violence from small dissident republican groups. Despite continuing political progress, their activities have increased in the last 18 months and the security situation is unlikely to improve in the short-term. There have been 37 attacks this year, compared with 22 in all of 2009. The ongoing recruitment of experienced terrorists and a younger generation will contribute to a continued high level of threat in Northern Ireland, as well as in Great Britain where the threat level was recently raised from Moderate to Substantial, meaning that an attack is a strong possibility.’ This report, the first of its kind in the public domain, analyses the origins and the nature of the threat posed by violent dissident republicans over the last two years. Details: London: International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR), 2010. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 5, 2011 at: http://www.icsr.info/publications/papers/1289498383ICSR_TheReturnoftheMilitantsReport.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.icsr.info/publications/papers/1289498383ICSR_TheReturnoftheMilitantsReport.pdf Shelf Number: 121970 Keywords: Political ViolenceTerrorismTerroristsViolent Extremism (Northern Ireland |
Author: Dwan, Renata, ed. Title: Executive Policing: Enforcing the Law in Peace Operations Summary: The United Nations peace operations in Kosovo and East Timor are responsible for the enforcement of law and order, establishing local police forces, and protecting and promoting human rights. This executive authority distinguishes them from earlier missions where civilian police were deployed. In this book seven authors examine the legal and political implications, the training of international police in a multinational and multicultural context, the use of community policing, the crucial issue of cooperation between the military and the civilian police components, and what has been learned about planning for the handover to local authority. Details: Solna, Sweden: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2002. 156p. Source: SIPRI Research Report No. 16: Internet Resource: Accessed March 14, 2012 at http://books.sipri.org/files/RR/SIPRIRR16.pdf Year: 2002 Country: International URL: http://books.sipri.org/files/RR/SIPRIRR16.pdf Shelf Number: 124538 Keywords: Conflict and ViolenceInternational CooperationInternational Law Enforcement CooperationPeacekeepingPolitical Violence |
Author: Lynch, Tristam W. Title: The evolution of modern Central American street gangs and the political violence they present: Case studies of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras Summary: Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras have experienced a history immersed in political, economical and violent turmoil that has resulted in centuries of unsettled government, weak economies, alienation, and exploitation of the masses. This turmoil dates back to Spanish forms of dictatorial rule in the sixteenth century, and English and German control of commodities and land during the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Along with foreign influence, forms of dictatorial rule resulted in poor socioeconomic conditions, internal anarchy within Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras and the onset of civil wars. During the Reagan Administration, the United States used these countries in Central America for strategic military, agricultural and political purposes. The poor economic and politically violent conditions continued, resulting in the formation of dangerous street gangs, youth groups violently taking control of territories and later engaging in drug trafficking. Presence of the United States military operations, the civil wars, namely the Nicaraguan Contra War throughout the Central American region, resulted in a variety of opportunities for immigrants, to migrate into the United States. Other opportunities included left over weapons by the United States military, guerillas and contras, which were used by these violent youth to intimidate the local governments of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. However, after the Central American families migrated to avoid the poor conditions within these countries, some children became gang members due to lack of alternatives in the U.S. The U.S. authorities deported many of these youth back to their respective Central American countries because of the crimes they committed in the U.S. This deportation increased further political turmoil in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras such that these violent youth groups threaten procedural democracy from functioning. This thesis examines the historical evolution of first, second and third generation Central American street gangs, and the political violence they present in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. Details: Tampa, FL: University of South Florida, 2008. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1369&context=etd Year: 2008 Country: Central America URL: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1369&context=etd Shelf Number: 129132 Keywords: Political ViolenceStreet ChildrenYouth Gangs (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) |
Author: Mercy Corps Title: Examining the Links between Youth Economic Opportunity, Civic Engagement and Conflict Summary: Somali youth hold the potential to contribute to positive change in their country. However, currently they are also the majority of the participants in militant and criminal groups.1 To better understand the drivers of youth violence in Somaliland and Puntland, Mercy Corps Somalia examined the links between economic opportunity, civic engagement and conflict as part of its USAID-funded Somali Youth Leaders Initiative.2 The research led to a number of counter-intuitive findings, including: 1) youth who are involved in civic engagement initiatives are less likely to endorse political violence, but are more likely to have engaged in such violence; and 2) youth who felt they had more economic opportunities were at greater risk of engaging in and supporting political violence, though actual employment status did not relate to propensity towards political violence. We also found that youth who experienced discrimination were more likely to engage in political violence, and that youth with greater self-efficacy to influence decisions that affect them were more likely to endorse political violence. This briefing explores these findings and their implications for the Somali Youth Leaders Initiative, as well as for similar youth development programs working in fragile, conflict-affected environments. Details: Portland, OR: Mercy Corps, 2013. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 8, 2013 at: http://www.mercycorps.org/sites/default/files/somaliabrief_2_13_13.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Somalia URL: http://www.mercycorps.org/sites/default/files/somaliabrief_2_13_13.pdf Shelf Number: 129268 Keywords: Economics of CrimeJuvenile OffendersPolitical ViolenceYouth Violence (Somalia) |
Author: Imbusch, Peter Title: Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean – a Bibliography Summary: The following bibliography on violence in Latin America and the Caribbean presents an overview about the recently published literature in this academic field. Violence research in Latin America has made great progress since the extent of violence is enormous. No other region of the world knows for example higher homicide rates nor has it such a variety of violence as the Latin American countries. Political violence, guerilla movements and civil wars, bloody revolutions, brutal dictatorships, domestic violence, criminal violence, and youth violence are all well known throughout history. Therefore, efforts to cope with the intellectual output and to overlook the differentiated discussions become ever more difficult. The bibliography wants to alleviate the access to central topics and questions related to the problem of violence in Latin America. In the bibliography, mainly books and articles in journals are cited; articles in books are listed only if the book is not entirely dedicated to the topic of violence. The bibliography starts with general literature on violence in Latin America. It goes on in a regional perspective dealing with Mexico and the Caribbean Basin, Central America, Colombia, Venezuela, the Andean countries (Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru), Brazil, and the Cono Sur States (Argentina, Chile, Uruguay) respectively. Details: Bielefeld, Germany: International Center for Violence Research – ICVR: 2011. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: ICVR Document No. 1/2011: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://internationalviolenceresearch.org/icvr/documents/1_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America URL: http://internationalviolenceresearch.org/icvr/documents/1_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 129362 Keywords: HomicidesPolitical ViolenceViolence (Latin America)Violent Crime |
Author: Moser, Caroline Title: Understanding the Tipping Point of Urban Conflict: Participatory methodology for gender-based and political violence Summary: The objective of this working paper is to outline the participatory violence appraisal (PVA) methodology implemented for the sub-city level studies in the ‘Understanding the Tipping Points of Urban Conflict’ (UTP) research project. It is intended to assist researchers when designing sub-city or local level research. As such it does not provide a definitive ‘blueprint’ but rather elaborates a generic methodology that may be easily adapted to the needs of different research objectives. This working paper complements the UTP Concept Paper (Moser and Horn 2011) that sets out the UTP research project’s objectives, and its associated conceptual framework. Underlying the UTP project is the assumption that two concepts – tipping points and value chains – provide added value and introduce new perspectives on an already much debated and contested issue, namely violence in cities of the South. As elaborated in detail in the concept paper the research focuses less on documenting a static phenomenon, be it conflict or violence, and more on examining the shift from one state to another, in this case from conflict to violence – the so-called tipping point – and from one type of violence to another, identified as a violence chain. A focus on processes rather than a phenomenon requires a research methodology that moves from statistical measurement to a narrative understanding of social, economic and political processes – but also one that is sufficiently robust and cannot be dismissed as anecdotal information. Considerations such as these have important implications for the design of the research methodology. Details: Manchester, UK: Global Urban Research Centre, University of Manchester, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper #2: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP2_March2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP2_March2012.pdf Shelf Number: 129371 Keywords: Gender-Based ViolencePolitical ViolenceUrban AreasViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Meyer, Rachel Title: Peacetime Violence in El Salvador and Honduras: A tale of two countries Summary: The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence. Details: Barcelona: Institut Català Internacional per la Pau, 2012. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: ICIP Working Papers: 2012/6L Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://www.recercat.net/bitstream/handle/2072/205488/wp_2012_06_eng.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.recercat.net/bitstream/handle/2072/205488/wp_2012_06_eng.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 129378 Keywords: Political ViolenceViolence (El Salvador, Honduras)Violent Crime |
Author: Nobel Women's Initiative Title: From Survivors to Defenders: Women Confronting Violence in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala Summary: From January 21 to January 31, 2012, a women's rights fact-finding mission traveled to Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala. The delegation was organized by the Nobel Women's Initiative, JASS (Just Associates) and prominent national organizations that formed host committees in each country, and led by Nobel Laureates Jody Williams and Rigoberta Menchu Tum. The purpose of the trip was to gather evidence of the impact of escalating violence in the region on women and women's rights, assess the role and response of governments, and acknowledge and evaluate ways of supporting women who are organizing to protect themselves and their communities. The combined experience of Nobel Peace Prize Laureates, JASS and long-time activists on the delegation provided a strong basis for assessing the crisis in violence and human rights in these three countries. The delegation built on the extensive organizing efforts and relationships with diverse women human rights defenders and organizations that have been established by JASS' Mesoamerica team. This platform of trust enabled us to gather first-hand information from frontline women human rights defenders who are facing great risk as a result of their work. Moreover, these exchanges meant that the delegation's visit also contributed to strengthening the alliances that are so critical to women's survival and safety. Of all the countries in the region, the delegation chose to visit Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala because these nations show alarming increases in violence against women over the past years, with evidence of the negligence of governments in protecting its citizens and direct participation in acts of violence. Although these countries are not currently involved in open warfare, the massive deployment of military and police forces in all three has gravely affected civil society and spurred a rise in violence and violation of human rights, with particular impact on the lives and rights of women. Over the course of ten days, we met with a number of government officials and representatives of international organizations. Most importantly, we gathered evidence and heard testimonies from over 200 women survivors of violence and human rights defenders from organizations that have been working against violence for decades. Building on JASS' and host committees' relationships, many women agreed to travel at great risk from cities and villages across their country to tell the stories of their struggles for the first time in an international forum. The bravery of the women we met provided us with an unprecedented opportunity to combine the human element of personal experience recounted face to face, with studies, statistics and government declarations. We found that the line between survivors and defenders has been erased as survivors of violence take on the role of defenders. Importantly, the networks and protocols for protection that have been built over the last few years by the host committees with JASS' support, ensured that these brave women could safely return to their communities. JASS and the Nobel Women's Initiative will continue to support the women of Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala as they move forward. Details: Ottawa, ONT: Nobel Women's Initiative, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2014 at: http://nobelwomensinitiative.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/Report_AmericasDelgation-2012.pdf?ref=18 Year: 2012 Country: Latin America URL: http://nobelwomensinitiative.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/Report_AmericasDelgation-2012.pdf?ref=18 Shelf Number: 132118 Keywords: Human Rights ViolationsPolitical ViolenceViolence Against Women |
Author: Allouche, Jeremy Title: Cross-border Violence as an External Stress: Policy Responses to Cross-border Dynamics on the Border between Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia Summary: One of the key issues identified in the new policy literature on external stress is the incidence of cross-border violence and the current lack of efficient and permanent mechanisms supported by international organisations, governments and civil society to deal with the violence. The focus of this research is the border region between Cote d'Ivoire and Liberia. The protracted violence which has affected the region for many years stems from the internal conflicts which afflicted both countries at different times, and which had regional dynamics and implications. Western Cote d'Ivoire acted as a proxy battleground in the first Liberian civil war (1989-96), and the region is the birthplace of the military and political crisis that affected Cote d'Ivoire from 2002 onwards. An inaccessible and neglected region, it has acted as a training ground and base for rebel groups and security forces, and it is local people who have borne the brunt of the insecurity. In 2012-13 the region experienced a resurgence of cross-border violence linked to the 2011 electoral and political crisis in Cote d'Ivoire. Some accuse the political elite loyal to former Cote d'Ivoire president, Laurent Gbagbo, who are based in Ghana, of funding military incursions by militants and Liberian partners in the west of Cote d'Ivoire to destabilise the region. Animosity between different communities and the limited capacity of security forces to provide safety to the people perpetuates the precarious situation. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2014. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: IDS Evidence Report No. 77: Accessed July 11, 2014 at: http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/4026/ER77%20Cross-border%20Violence%20as%20an%20External%20Stress%20%20Policy%20Responses%20to%20Cross-border%20Dynamics%20on%20the%20Border%20between%20Côte%20d’Ivoire%20and%20Liberia.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: Africa URL: http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/4026/ER77%20Cross-border%20Violence%20as%20an%20External%20Stress%20%20Policy%20Responses%20to%20Cross-border%20Dynamics%20on%20the%20Border%20between%20Côte%20d’I Shelf Number: 132662 Keywords: Border SecurityMilitant GroupsPolitical ViolenceViolence (Africa) |
Author: Ahmad, Yusuf Title: Reducing Violence and Improving the Rule of Law: Organized Crime, Marginalized Communities, and the Political Machine Summary: This literature review seeks to highlight specific policy interventions against risk factors that predispose communities towards gangs, organized crime, and electoral violence; and interventions that attack each of those types of violence directly. This is by no means a comprehensive report, given the extensive scholarship that has been dedicated to these three issues. It is, however, a starting point from which we can begin to explore the success or failure of policy interventions, and the contexts in which they have been found to work or fail. We hope to add to this review before and following the workshop, with the help of workshop participants. Details: Washington, DC: World Justice Project, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2014. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 4, 2015 at: http://carnegieendowment.org/files/Violence_lit_review.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://carnegieendowment.org/files/Violence_lit_review.pdf Shelf Number: 134741 Keywords: Gang Related Violence Organized Crime Political ViolenceViolence |
Author: Marc, Alexandre Title: The Challenge of Stability and Security in West Africa. Summary: This publication seeks to critically examine the challenges of fragility and security in West Africa, along with the factors of resilience. It seeks to investigate key drivers of conflict and violence, and the way in which they impact the countries of the subregion. Along with emerging threats and challenges, these include the challenge of youth inclusion; migration; regional imbalances; extractives; the fragility of political institutions and managing the competition for power; security; and land. The book explores how the subregion, under the auspices of the regional organization ECOWAS has become a pioneer on the continent in terms of addressing regional challenges. This book also seeks to identify key lessons in the dynamics of resilience against political violence and civil war, drawn from countries such as Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Cote d'Ivoire that can be useful for countries around the world in the midst of similar situations. Finally, it draws on knowledge and findings from a series background papers written by leading experts, and provides insights from the perspectives of academics and development practitioners. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank; and Agence Francaise de Developpement, 2015. 125p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 24, 2015 at: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/22033 Year: 2015 Country: Africa URL: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/22033 Shelf Number: 136869 Keywords: MigrationPolitical ViolenceSecurityViolence |
Author: Cilliers, Jakkie Title: Future (im)perfect? Mapping conflict, violence and extremism in Africa Summary: The central challenge for sub-Saharan Africa is to build accountable, capable governments that can deliver security and inclusive growth. Research into the drivers, trends and characteristics of violence in Africa may help achieve these goals. This paper firstly presents global and African trends in armed conflict since 1960, while looking at armed conflict within the broader context of political violence using recent event data. The fatality burden between key affected countries is also discussed. The paper then turns to an examination of the high levels of non-state conflict in the Middle East and Africa compared to the rest of the world and the systemic imbalances that drive instability. Finally, challenges in measuring the relative contribution of violent Islamist extremism to political violence are presented. Details: Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: ISS Paper 287: Accessed October 5, 2015 at: https://www.issafrica.org/uploads/Paper287-1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Africa URL: https://www.issafrica.org/uploads/Paper287-1.pdf Shelf Number: 136943 Keywords: Extremist Groups (Africa) Political Violence Radical Groups Radicalization Violent Extremists |
Author: Ley, Sandra Title: Violence and Citizen Participation in Mexico: From the Polls to the Streets Summary: How do citizens cope politically with violence? In the face of rising insecurity, Mexican citizens, particularly victims, have poured into the streets to demand an end to violence and ask for peace and justice. However, as organized crime groups attempt to influence local elections and target political candidates and public officials, citizens have not felt equally encouraged to cast ballots on election day. Elections in Mexico, as well as in other Latin American countries such as Brazil and Guatemala, have been marked by criminal violence. Voters, public officials, and candidates alike have been threatened or attacked by organized crime groups. It is, therefore, important to examine how violence shapes various forms of participation. This paper seeks to provide a broad view of political participation in the midst of Mexico's current security crisis, with the goal of understanding the effects of violence on civic activism. Overall, the paper shows that violence, particularly that directed against party candidates and public officials, threatens the electorate and depresses voter turnout. At the same time, violence has stimulated non-electoral forms of participation that attempt to bring the issue of crime and insecurity onto the political agenda and to hopefully achieve peace and justice. Such demands, however, have not been met yet and much remains to be done. In addition, citizens who take part of these efforts are further exposed to violence and retaliation by criminals and colluded officials. In preparation for the upcoming Mexican midterm elections, this paper also examines the prospects for Mexico's 2015 midterm elections in view of the recent trends in violence and civic protests. Out of the seventeen states that will hold local elections in 2015, six have a particularly alarming violent profile. Guerrero and Michoacan have homicide rates well above the national average. Politicians in both states have also been direct targets of criminal violence. Similarly, in Nuevo Leon, Jalisco, the State of Mexico, and Morelos, criminal groups have made an explicit attempt to influence politics and elections in recent years. Special attention must be paid to these regions. Political authorities must begin developing effective solutions that can effectively keep voters safe and encouraged. The conclusion outlines some policy recommendations on how to generate the necessary conditions for citizens to exercise their right to vote freely. Finally, as a result of the disappearance of the 43 students in Iguala, Guerrero, massive mobilizations have taken place across and outside of Mexico. In the face of the upcoming elections and given the prevailing weaknesses of the instruments so far created for the attention of victims - the General Law of Victims and Provictima - it will be important for these new citizen mobilization efforts to demand the commitment of political candidates and future elected authorities to increase financial and human resources for the effective operation of these institutions, and most important, the fair resolution of their cases. Civil society is a fundamental element for the achievement of political accountability, particularly in a violent context such as the one many Mexican citizens currently live under. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute; San Diego: University of San Diego, Justice in Mexico Project, 2015. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper Series: Accessed October 5, 2015 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Ley_Violence-and-Citizen-Participation-in-Mexico.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Ley_Violence-and-Citizen-Participation-in-Mexico.pdf Shelf Number: 136951 Keywords: HomicidesPolitical ViolenceViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Heinle, Kimberly Title: Citizen Security in Michoacan Summary: Arguably the most intractable security issue facing the administration of Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto has been the dynamic and dangerous situation in the state of Michoacan, located on the Pacific in the southwestern portion of the country. During Pena Nieto's first two years in office, the state has seen a significant increase in violence and criminal activities; the emergence, evolution, and internal struggles of armed "self-defense" groups (grupos de autodefensa, commonly referred to as autodefensas); and concerted federal government efforts to gain control and restore order in certain parts of the state, particularly in the state's western Tierra Caliente region. While certain crime indicators - notably homicide - have fallen significantly throughout much of Mexico since 2011, Michoacan is one of the states where problems of crime and violence have been most intractable. It is also one of the places where citizen mobilization has manifested most visibly through self-defense forces and vigilantism, with entire communities rising up to take the law into their own hands because of the real or perceived inability of authorities to address the problem of organized crime. Over the course of 2014, the worsening situation in Michoacan led the Mexican government to intervene heavily and try to regain the trust of the citizenry. The federal government must be exceedingly careful and deliberate in its strategy for intervening in state and local security matters, its approach to dealing with armed citizens taking the law into their own hands, its efforts to empower state and local authorities to pick up the reigns, and its efforts to rebuild civic engagement and social trust. The authors offer three guiding recommendations: First, since achieving success will require that the Mexican government have clear targets focused on outcomes and performance for social development programs aimed at strengthening community resilience (e.g., the relationship between farm subsidies and poppy cultivation, the relationship between the number of student scholarships and gang membership, etc.), the authors recommend that the Pena Nieto administration should conduct and present regular evaluation and assessment of the outcomes of its programs using precise, program-specific performance metrics. Second, a core challenge in Michoacan, as elsewhere in Mexico, is the lack of institutional integrity, which has contributed to often visible corruption of local officials and widespread support for vigilantism. Unfortunately, recent developments have delayed implementation of Michoacan's judicial reform, which was due for implementation in February 2014, pushing back urgently needed reforms to introduce greater transparency and accountability into the state's criminal justice system. Given the state's complex security situation, it is critically important that operators of the criminal justice system - particularly prosecutors, public defenders, and court personnel - be adequately trained and prepared for the transition. Third, the Pena Nieto administration's intervention in Michoacan positions the federal government to help resolve these problems, but it also runs the risk of unwittingly stifling civic engagement. The federal government's liaison should work intently to create spaces and regular opportunities for dialogue and collaboration among citizens and civic organizations, and should particularly empower the state and local citizen security counsels to provide consistent communication and constructive feedback on the progress of security measures. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute; San Diego: University of San Diego, Justice in Mexico Project, 2015. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper Series: Accessed October 5, 2015 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Heilnle-Molzahn-Shirk_Citizen-Security-in-Michoacan.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Heilnle-Molzahn-Shirk_Citizen-Security-in-Michoacán.pdf Shelf Number: 136952 Keywords: HomicidesPolitical Violence VigilantesViolence Violent Crime |
Author: Macdonald, Geoffrey Title: Preventing Violent Extremism through Inclusive Politics in Bangladesh Summary: Bangladesh has a long history of political and electoral violence that has shaped its political culture. Since the early 2000s, it has experienced a renewal of violent extremism and an increasingly polarized political climate. By addressing the relationship between radicalization and institutional dysfunctions, this Peace Brief examines how Bangladesh can help undermine the issues that bolster radicalization efforts by strengthening political and social institutions and making them more inclusive. Summary - The role of Islam in Bangladeshi politics is highly contested and presents a focal point of past and current violence. - The polarized political climate and institutionalized repression of Islamic parties appear to enhance radicalization dynamics. - The current environment in Bangladesh presents an opportunity to prevent violent extremism before it fully manifests itself. - Measures to improve democratic governance and inclusive politics could help mitigate the risk of violent extremism in Bangladesh, while also reducing political violence levels. Details: Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2016. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Peace Brief 200: Accessed January 28, 2016 at: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PB200-Preventing-Violent-Extremism-through-Inclusive-Politics-in-Bangladesh.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Bangladesh URL: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PB200-Preventing-Violent-Extremism-through-Inclusive-Politics-in-Bangladesh.pdf Shelf Number: 137697 Keywords: Extremist GroupsIslamPolitical ViolenceRadical GroupsTerrorismViolent Extremism |
Author: Schuurman, Bart Title: Moving Terrorism Research Forward: The Crucial Role of Primary Sources Summary: This background note focuses on the causes and consequences of the scarcity of primary source-based research on (counter-)terrorism and reviews a trend towards the greater use of such data. It discusses the implications of the overreliance on secondary sources of data in the field of terrorism studies, highlights some interesting recent developments which show how this problem is being addressed and reflects upon the causes of this issue. Why have relatively few authors used such data? What obstacles can be identified and how might they be overcome? This background note consists of three sections. The first outlines the problem. How has the scarcity of primary sources affected the development of terrorism studies as an academic field of inquiry? The second discusses some of the causes of this problem; what makes it so difficult to obtain primary sources? It concludes with a critical discussion of some of the advantages and disadvantages involved in using such sources. The third and final part of this paper discusses the current trend towards the greater use of first hand data. It showcases several recent projects from across the globe that have used primary sources to deepen our understanding of terrorism and related forms of political violence. Details: The Hague: International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, 2013. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: ICCT Background Note: Accessed April 6, 2016 at: http://www.icct.nl/download/file/Schuurman-and-Eijkman-Moving-Terrorism-Research-Forward-June-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.icct.nl/download/file/Schuurman-and-Eijkman-Moving-Terrorism-Research-Forward-June-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 138582 Keywords: Counter-terrorism Political ViolenceTerrorism |
Author: Nussio, Enzo Title: Peace and Violence in Colombia Summary: The Colombian government of President Juan Manuel Santos is currently in talks with the oldest of Latin America's guerilla groups, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC); most recently, it has also engaged with the smaller Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN). In particular, it appears possible that a peace agreement will soon be signed with FARC. President Santos is promoting the negotiations in Havana internationally as good news in a crisis-ridden world. However, the general population of Colombia remains skeptical. In a survey of March 2016, about two thirds of respondents were pessimistic about the negotiations; nearly half would prefer an end of negotiations and a military offensive against FARC. Many Colombians have no faith in a treaty with the rebels, whom they regard as untrustworthy, and believe that the violence plaguing Colombia cannot be eliminated at the negotiation table. "Peace" is generally regarded as an unrealistic, utopian goal, even if the FARC and ELN fighters should lay down their arms. Despite the hopeful prospects, it is likely that the pessimism of the general population will prove correct: An end of political violence would by no means lead to the end of societal and criminal violence in the country. Details: Zurich, SWIT: Center for Security Studies (CSS), 2016. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: https://www.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/CSSAnalyse-191-EN.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Colombia URL: https://www.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/CSSAnalyse-191-EN.pdf Shelf Number: 139050 Keywords: Criminal NetworksDrug-Related ViolenceFuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC)Guerilla GroupsPolitical ViolenceViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Baba, Yahaya Tanko Title: Political Parties and Violence in Nigeria: The Case of Sokoto State (2007-2013) Summary: In this article I examine how political parties in Sokoto state, Nigeria, used violence in electoral processes from 2007 to 2013. Using Tilly and Tarrow's concept of contentious politics, the concept of neo-patrimonialism and Schlichte's model of armed groups, I find that violence mostly assumed the form of clashes between rival party youths. While party elites manipulate youths, religious and traditional institutions are also dragged into partisan politics by the elites. However, I also find that as a result of changes in party platforms, intraparty conflicts instigated large-scale interparty violence. In conclusion it can be said that party elites make use of violence as a tool for mobilization either to wrestle power from the governing party or to defend the status quo. Details: Bielefeld, Germany: Universitat Bielefeld, 2015. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Violence Research and Development Project - Papers - No. 10: Accessed June 11, 2016 at: http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/icvr/docs/baba.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/icvr/docs/baba.pdf Shelf Number: 139376 Keywords: Political CorruptionPolitical ViolenceViolence |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: Political Conflict, Extremism and Criminal Justice in Bangladesh Summary: As the Awami League (AL) government's political rivalry with the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) reaches new heights, so has its repression. At the same time, a deeply politicised, dysfunctional criminal justice system is undermining rather than buttressing the rule of law. Heavy-handed measures are denting the government's legitimacy and, by provoking violent counter-responses, benefitting violent party wings and extremist groups alike. The government needs to recognise that it is in its interest to change course, lest it fail to either contain violent extremism or counter political threats. A key part of a more prudent course would be to de-politicise and strengthen all aspects of the criminal justice system, including the judiciary, so it can address the country's myriad law and order challenges and help stall a democratic collapse. The political conflict between the AL and BNP has resulted in high levels of violence and a brutal state response. The government's excesses against political opponents and critics include enforced disappearances, torture and extra-judicial killings. Police tasked with targeting the government's rivals and an overstretched justice system compelled to prosecute opposition leaders and activists now also face a renewed threat from violent extremists. The permissive legal environment, however, is creating opportunities for extremist outfits to regroup, manifested in the killings of secular bloggers and foreigners and attacks on sectarian and religious minorities in 2015. The government's reaction to rising extremism, including arrest and prosecution of several suspects without due process and transparency, is fuelling alienation that these groups can further exploit. Reconciling with the opposition and hence stabilising the state requires both political compromises and an end to the repressive use of law enforcement agencies and abuse of the courts. Politicising the police and using elite forces, particularly the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), to silence political dissent, are laying the seeds of future violence. By concentrating on targeting the opposition, the police are failing to curb criminality; the prisons are overburdened by the mass arrests of opposition leaders and activists; and the judiciary, perceived as partisan for trials and sentences based on political grounds, is losing credibility. The result is a justice system that swings between two extremes: woefully slow and dysfunctional for ordinary cases and speedy, undermining due process, in politically charged ones. Any effort to reform a dysfunctional criminal justice system, including by investing in training, equipping and otherwise modernising the police, prosecution and judiciary, will be insufficient unless it is also taken out of politics. Years of partisan recruitment, promotions and postings have polarised these institutions to the point that officials no longer conceal their allegiances. Partisanship tends to determine the kinds of complaints and cases that get filed and prioritised and even informs verdicts and sentences. The problems surrounding delivery of justice are further compounded by legal mechanisms to silence civil society and prevent media scrutiny and parallel processes that undermine due process in politically charged cases. The deeply flawed International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), established in 2010 to prosecute individuals responsible for atrocities committed during the 1971 liberation war, is an important example of the dangers of using rule of law institutions for political ends. Perceptions of injustice are creating opportunities for extremist groups and fuelling political conflict. The BNP and its Jamaat-e-Islami ally marked the anniversary of the disputed 2014 elections with indiscriminately violent strikes and traffic blockades, which were matched brutally by the state. The BNP now appears less willing to resort to violence to unseat the government; its decision to re-enter the political mainstream gives the government an opportunity it should exploit by urgently resuming dialogue with the opposition. To demonstrate sincerity and as a first step, it should end use of the rule of law institutions to target opponents and silence critics. Accepting legitimate avenues of participation and dissent would also help regain some lost legitimacy and the trust of citizens in the state's provision of both justice and security. So long as there is no independent court system to arbitrate disputes fairly, the parties are likely to continue taking those disputes to the streets, but a neutral judiciary could help defuse tensions by upholding fundamental principles and preventing executive excesses. The international community can help to promote political reconciliation by, in the U.S. and EU case, using economic levers to pressure Dhaka to respect civil and political rights, and in New Delhi's by using close ties to urge the AL to allow the opposition legitimate political expression and participation. There is no time to lose. If mainstream dissent remains closed, more and more government opponents may come to view violence and violent groups as their only recourse. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2016. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Asia Report No. 277: Accessed July 25, 2016 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/bangladesh/277-political-conflict-extremism-and-criminal-justice-in-bangladesh.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Bangladesh URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/bangladesh/277-political-conflict-extremism-and-criminal-justice-in-bangladesh.pdf Shelf Number: 139829 Keywords: ExtremismExtremist GroupsPolitical ViolenceRadical GroupsRadicalizationViolenceViolent Extremists |
Author: Bouka, Yolande Title: Analysing post-transition violence in Burundi Summary: The current crisis has turned out to be the most serious since the end of the transition, but its evolution is by no means unique in Burundian history, either in the scale of the violence or the mode of repression. In fact, since the end of the country’s political transition, Burundi's political and security trajectory has continued to exhibit the cyclical patterns of repression and political violence that have plagued the country since independence. Details: Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies, 2016. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Central Africa Report Issue 6: Accessed December 19, 2016 at: https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/CentralAfricaReportNo6.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Burundi URL: https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/CentralAfricaReportNo6.pdf Shelf Number: 140525 Keywords: Conflict Violence Political ViolenceViolence |
Author: Feindouno. Sosso Title: Internal Violence Index: a composite and quantitative measure of internal violence and crime in developing countries Summary: We have created a new index, the Internal Violence Index (IVI), which aims to compare the amount of violence at the country level for 130 developing countries. The IVI is a composite indicator composed of four clusters - internal armed conflict, criminality, terrorism, and political violence. It is based on quantitative variables only, in contrast to the existing subjective indicators of fragility. Details: Fondation pour les études et recherches sur le développement international, 2016. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 151: Accessed November 16, 2017 at: http://www.ferdi.fr/sites/www.ferdi.fr/files/idi/wp151_ferdi_goujon_feindouno_wagner.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.ferdi.fr/sites/www.ferdi.fr/files/idi/wp151_ferdi_goujon_feindouno_wagner.pdf Shelf Number: 148204 Keywords: Political ViolenceTerrorism Violence Violent Crime |
Author: Tesfaye, B. Title: "If youth are given the chance": Effects of education and civic engagement on Somali youth support for political violence. Summary: Understanding and addressing the root causes of conflict to promote long-term stability is a perennial focus of development programs, yet policymakers still struggle to find proven, effective solutions. Underlying this challenge is a dearth of evidence regarding violence-reduction approaches. Though an increasing number of empirical studies have focused on evaluating the impact of development programs on attitudes and behaviors related to violence (including Mercy Corps' research in Somaliland and Afghanistan), questions remain about the relative effectiveness of different types of interventions and about the conditions under which some interventions may or may not succeed in reducing violence. The motivation behind this research study is to help fill these knowledge gaps. In particular, this research seeks to test the impact of two common violence-reduction approaches- education and civic engagement-on youths' level of support for armed violence. By expanding our previous study from Somaliland to examine education, civic engagement, and political violence in South Central Somalia and Puntland, this study also allows us to understand whether the effects of the same education and civic engagement interventions persist across different contexts. Somalia faces many challenges and opportunities when it comes to violence reduction. Though the nation is striving to move beyond decades of unrest and violent conflict and toward stability and broad-based development, the security situation remains tenuous. The two truck bombs that exploded on October 14, 2017, killing more than 500 people in Mogadishu, highlight both how deadly armed opposition groups continue to be and Somalia's continued vulnerability to violence. Armed groups have proven repeatedly how resilient they can be, constantly adapting to new threats- both internal and external-to ensure their own survival. A steady source of resilience for armed opposition groups is a large pool of frustrated youth whom they can recruit and indoctrinate. To promote stability, several youth development programs in Somalia seek to engage vulnerable youth and address their needs, including Mercy Corps' Somali Youth Learners Initiative (SYLI), which focused on increasing access to secondary education and civic engagement opportunities for youth. Evaluating the SYLI program provided an opportunity to better understand if and how improved access to formal secondary education and increased opportunities for civic engagement can reduce young Somalis' support for armed groups and the use of violence to achieve political aims. Details: Washington, DC: Mercy Corps, 2018. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 30, 2018 at: https://www.mercycorps.org/sites/default/files/If%20Youth%20Are%20Given%20the%20Chance_LR_FINAL.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Somalia URL: https://www.mercycorps.org/sites/default/files/If%20Youth%20Are%20Given%20the%20Chance_LR_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 150404 Keywords: At-Risk YouthEducation and CrimeInterventionsPolitical ViolenceRadicalizationTerrorismViolence Prevention |
Author: Matfess, Hilary, ed. Title: Power, Elitism, and History: Analyzing Trends in Targeted Killings in Nigeria, 2000 to 2017 Summary: Nigeria, Africa's most populous country and largest economy, has attracted considerable policy and academic attention. Studies by Transparency International and others have revealed breathtaking levels of official corruption and graft in the country. Despite the attention paid to Nigeria, there is little information about the prevalence of targeted killings against individuals in the country - and the relationship between this phenomenon and corruption is not well understood. The lack of attention paid to targeted killings in Nigeria reflects a gap in the literature on political violence more generally. Zaryab Iqbal and Christopher Zorn lament in their paper 'The political consequences of assassination' that social scientists 'have paid relatively little attention to explaining assassination as a form of political violence, and even less to assessing its social and political consequences'. In Nigeria, where power is often personalized and the mechanisms to transfer power are often opaque and non-institutionalized, assassination and other types of targeted killings play a particularly important role, making the dearth of information on this type of violence all the more glaring. Reflecting on the country's history of targeted killings and assassinations, a 2009 op-ed published in news agency Sahara Reporters said, 'Obviously, Nigerians are accepting the situation as part and parcel of our day to day living, thus it is not unusual that when new about the assassination of a journalist, politician, businessman or just about any other Nigerian breaks on television or radio, people no longer cringe. We just shake our heads and move on.' The first step towards explaining a phenomenon lies in knowing its dimensions. To this end, the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized crime created a dataset, Targeted Killings in Nigeria, 2000-2017, as a means of remedying these gaps. This data sought to document instances in which individuals were specifically targeted for violence. For the purposes of this report, the term 'targeted killings' is used to denote planned violence directed at an individual, which may not necessarily result in death. In this paper, 'targeted killing' therefore includes planned, fatal and non-fatal attacks on specifically targeted individuals. By analyzing newspaper reports from 2000 to 2017 using LexisNexis, and a small team of researchers and human coders, the Targeted Killings in Nigeria dataset has catalogued more than 1,650 targeted killings in Nigeria. Emerging from the dataset is the suggestion that criminality may be linked with targeted killings to a greater degree than with other forms of non-state, anti-state or violent organizations. Whereas the country's North East has been ravaged by Boko Haram, whose indiscriminate violence has claimed tens of thousands of lives, the region has seen comparatively few targeted killings. Conversely, the country's southern states, which are renowned for criminal activity, are where most targeted killings occur. The dataset suggests that the current configuration of power and authority in Nigeria, and particularly in the country's south, has resulted in staggering numbers of targeted killings, which require domestic and international policy attention. This report examines the patterns of targeted killings in Nigeria in an attempt to shed light on this oft-overlooked category of political violence, and to probe what historical, economic and social forces have contributed to the prevalence of this form of violence. The dataset also suggests that the country's return to democracy in 1999 did not herald an era of peace and stability, nor a shift away from criminality within the political sphere. The findings corroborate the idea that electoral freedom has been insufficient to comb through the tangled relationships between politicians, businessmen, criminals, civil servants, traditional leaders and the perpetration of violence. If this is the case, Nigeria is far from alone in experiencing a deeper entanglement of criminality with the state following the introduction or resumption of electoral freedom. Instances in which democratization has increased opportunities for criminal outfits have been noted elsewhere: in describing 'criminal politics', Nicholas Barnes notes that in many instances, 'the transition to democracy has also produced, not resolved, competitive state-building dynamics', offering as an example the development of the Russian mafia, whereby 'violent entrepreneurs - former military and public security officers - form(ed) their own criminal organizations and private protection firms that undermined the state's own monopoly of violence'. It is therefore entirely possible, though beyond the scope of this dataset, that the imperfect process of democratization, the shadowy workings of Nigerian political parties, and the demands of competition over votes in Nigeria may have contributed to the further entanglement of these various sectors and groups since the end of military rule in 1999. By documenting and assessing instances of targeted killings between 2000 and 2017, the Targeted Killings in Nigeria dataset is the first step towards assessing the prevalence and characteristics of targeted killings in Nigeria's Fourth Republic, and the data and findings lay a foundation for further study of criminality, corruption, governance and violence in modern Nigeria. Details: Geneva, Switzerland: The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2018. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 18, 2018 at: https://globalinitiative.net/analyzing-trends-in-targeted-killings-in-nigeria/ Year: 2018 Country: Nigeria URL: https://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/TGIATOC-Targeted-Kilings-in-Nigeria-Report-1975-web.pdf Shelf Number: 154066 Keywords: AssassinationCorruptionGraftKillingsNigeriaOrganized CrimePolitical ViolenceTargeted Killings |
Author: Rodriguez, Mariana Title: Venezuela's Escalating Protests, Violence, and Political Instability: The Legacy of Chavez Summary: Over the last three weeks, Venezuela has found itself engulfed in protests against current President Nicolas Maduro's administration. While the student movement has spearheaded this uprising, many Venezuelans have taken to the streets to voice their grievances against the country's high levels of violent crime, high inflation rates, and the increasing scarcity of basic goods. As protests and violence continue, Hugo Chavez's hand‐picked successor faces potentially destabilizing levels of political violence in an era in which protests in other parts of the world (e.g., Ukraine, the Middle East) recently have shown the power of the street. Almost a year after Hugo Chavez's death and Maduro's election, were such high levels of political unrest foreseeable? A brief look at what we refer to as Chavez's "political culture legacy" suggests that, in the absence of Chavez‐like charismatic leadership and under the weight of the social and economic problems noted above, political instability was a likely outcome. To understand the nature of democratic attitudes under the Chavez regime and how they might help us understand the political instability in the country today, this Topical Brief analyzes survey data from the AmericasBarometer in Venezuela between 2007 and 2012. As in previous AmericasBarometer studies, we examine two attitudinal dimensions essential to democratic stability: political legitimacy (or system support) and political tolerance. Combining a society's level of support for the political system and its willingness to tolerate opposition to that system provides us a more general assessment of the type of political environment that such political attitudes are likely to engender (Seligson 2000; Booth and Seligson 2009; see also previous AmericasBarometer Reports). For example, in a country in which citizens express high levels of support for their political system and high levels of political tolerance, we can expect this political culture to be conducive to the emergence of a stable democratic system of government. Conversely, in a country where citizens neither support the political system nor tolerate those with different political views, the attitudinal landscape will likely not support a stable democracy but rather be more conducive to democratic breakdown. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2014. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 14, 2019 at: https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/ITB013en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Venezuela URL: https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/ITB013en.pdf Shelf Number: 154144 Keywords: DemocracyHugo ChavezPolitical InstabilityPolitical LegitimacyPolitical ViolenceProtestRule of LawVenezuela |
Author: Campos, Juan C. Title: State Incoordination and Political Assassinations in Mexico: Why does the Mexican Government Fail to Protect Mayors from Drug-Trafficking Organizations? Summary: Does state incoordination increase the number of political assassinations in new democracies? In this paper, I answer this question by observing the relationship between political assassinations by drug-trafficking organizations and the lack of party coordination across the state and federal levels of government in Mexico. Despite large bodies of research on political violence, few studies to date have examined this link (Rios, 2015; Duran-Martinez 2015). Specifically, using data compiled by Justice in Mexico, I expect to find that if the two levels of government are not ruled by the same political party between 2005 and 2017, this signals that Mexico's security institutions lack coordination, so the state's ability to protect mayors from assassinations will decline. This is because rule by a single party facilitates cooperation across all levels of government. Such cooperation is necessary to allocate resources properly while combating cartels and stifling their operations, including political assassinations. However, states whose political parties differ from the federal government's party affiliation are - for political reasons - less likely to witness coordination and therefore incapable of protecting mayors from being assassinated. Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico, Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of San Diego, 2018. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: JUSTICE IN MEXICO, WORKING PAPER SERIES, Volume 15, Number 2: Accessed May 9, 2019 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/181010_Working-Paper_CAMPOS_JUAN.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/181010_Working-Paper_CAMPOS_JUAN.pdf Shelf Number: 155728 Keywords: Drug TraffickingDrug-Related ViolencePolitical AssassinationsPolitical Violence |